The Green Cities of Tomorrow


Move over shining city on the hill, the green cities are moving up.

In the quest for renewable energy certain regions and cities have been paving the way but the trend still has not caught on fast enough, or perhaps as fast as we would like or need. The first thing to realize is that we have, as a society, a social responsibility to push for renewables. This is not because we are harming the planet, nature will survive us human dogs after all. It is because we are making the planet uninhabitable and truly miserable for many others without having to notice or mind it that much. It is the unnoticed problems, the unknown unknowns, that can cause the most damage. The citizens of the world that are ambitious enough to elect eco-friendly representatives and vote to act on an early transition to renewables will not only be helping others but they will also gain an advantage in the near future. Especially developing countries that may skip past their industrial phase and right into renewable technology. According to research by the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) clean energy solutions create more job opportunities than the traditional fossil fuel industry does now.

So who are these champions of renewable technology, braving the way for us, these Green Heroes taking the economic risk to save their children’s future? You may have heard of Candidate Sanders, a Senator from scenic Vermont, who has said that Climate Change is our number one threat to national security. His opponents in the 2016 race may laugh at him, clearly thinking that ISIS, a religious desert guerilla terrorist organization driving pickup trucks, is a greater threat. It would be equally laughable to think that the instability of that region has anything to do with our international addiction to fossil fuels. Presidential race aside, it is the Vermont city that Sanders was once mayor of that has achieved a surprising and welcome milestone. The city of Burlington has boasted that it is running on 100% renewable energy. With its main source being hydro, the city uses a mix of biomass, wind turbines, and solar. Burlington, recognizing the reality of global warming and our toll on the planet, is now using less electricity than it did in 1989. They claim though, that this transition to a green powered city was based mainly on an economic decision. For them it is the cheapest and healthiest long-term solution for their city.

Now let us venture to a warmer climate than New England and see how a less developed country has handled the transition. In 2015 Costa Rica managed to achieve an astonishing 99% renewable energy, claiming that 285 days out of the year were fossil fuel free. The Costa Rican Electricity Institute utilizes the country’s geography of large rivers to harness hydropower for most of their energy production. They also use a mix of biomass, wind, solar, and geothermal (another local specialty). The country is already aware that it depends too much on hydro, which although renewable is not the best for the environment. They are looking to expand into geothermal and be carbon neutral by 2021.

These are just two of my favorite Western Hemisphere examples. Holland, the United Arab Emirates in the Gulf, Germany, as well as most other EU countries are also well on their way. Yet still the biggest contributors to carbon pollution and many developing nations are tearing ahead with industrial methods that now seem out dated. While some claim that there is a focused attempt to misinform, our continued use is most likely a problem because of how we talk about the problem, the language we use, the lack of education for constituents, and a perceived economic dependence. If you think about energy dependence as your weekly paycheck, no one in their right mind would continue to hold down a job if they knew it would both someday stop paying with no new job lined up and was also damaging the health of everyone around us. Soon it will be economically sound to make the green transition. For example in India, solar may soon out perform coal.

Of course, this may take the USA a little more time than the rest of the world. We are possibly the only country that out right denies climate change exists and we are at the same time most likely the main cause of said change. Sadly, better education for this topic and media coverage will not change much with our congress acting like it does, throwing snow balls and disgracing our hard earned intelligence. It will unfortunately take political change first, perhaps some insane revolution, for our country to react to this situation properly.

What is funny though, is that we do not need congress, they are merely in the way. Local governments can take charge with the help of NGOs and emerging green industries to find solutions. Like we have seen with Burlington and Costa Rica, each renewable energy solution will be different and it will be mixed. What works in the mountains may not work in the rainforest. Each region will have to come up with its own unique mix of renewables and this will take local education and local action. But it will also take a global effort to share information on what works where and what doesn’t work. This will also have to be done thinking in terms of eco-regions. Forget about your state borders. Pollution doesn’t recognize the borders we come up with. A hurricane or rising water doesn’t know what country it is hurting economically. Cape Cod has more in common with St. Johns, Newfoundland than it does Miami. If these threats do not recognize these borders, then we need to understand the ‘borders’ that it does.  This has become a huge problem in the globalized world. One country or corporation may let waste dribble downstream to the neighbors drinking water without them evening knowing. It will take a localized and a global collective to meet the challenges of the 21st century. I see no reason why eco-regions could not work together to provide safe sustainable energy.

We have seen that clean energy may even save us money in the future, so let us, the people, start laying the ground work. Find your local supporters of Green Energy, be it a political party, NGO, or even a responsible company and see what can be done. Who can argue with a cleaner smaller electricity bill?

Check out Cornelia Dinca’s experience with Amsterdam’s transformation from car to pedestrian city.


World War Water

A while ago I heard a story about a millionaire in Beijing who was selling air by the can. At first glance it seemed like a crude attempt to make a buck off of China’s terrible air pollution. How appalling would it be if some corporation somewhere began to sell clean air? Actually this has already started to happen; Vitality. However, Chen Guangbiao started this little scheme more as an act of protest than entrepreneurship. A clever attempt to point out that an environmental consciousness is a necessity in one of the most air polluted cities in China. If you have ever seen East-Asian tourists wearing surgical masks, you have only caught a glimpse of a fraction from the tip of the iceberg that is this problem. (Although, the practice likely originated as something to ward of germs, the trend grew recently to deal with air pollution). Originally I wanted to scream at these people when I saw them traveling, especially in the Alps. ‘This is the freshest air you could ever breathe, take that freaking mask off!’ I thought. Then I heard about Chen, I was frightened that any entity, be it man or corporate machine, could take an essential means to survival and turn it into a commodity. Then I read about Fryeburg, a town in my home state of Maine.

It turns out Nestle Waters, subsidiary of the world’s largest food and beverage company Swiss Nestle SA, bought a contract from Fryeburg Water Co. to use their spring for bottled water. Maine law states if you own the land the water is yours, making business more than profitable. The deal seemed fair, giving the small rural town a stable cash flow while retaining exclusive rights to the water well. However, opponents argued that the deal would not be good for residents in the long run. The advocacy group Food and Water Watch pointed out that profits were being given more value than public’s best interest.

After hearing complaints the town planning commission changed their minds, citing the negative impacts of pollution, noise, and traffic. Nestle sued and appealed and argued to the Maine Supreme Court that their right to grow market share superseded the town’s right of control. The following barrage of litigation brought concerned citizens into a debt of $20,000. Bruce McGlauflin, a lawyer argued that the law allows for “a supply of pure water for domestic and other uses” and doesn’t contain any provision for selling water as a commodity. In the end Nestle received a modified contract with an added provision that in cases of emergency supply could be reduced or cut for Poland Spring. A compromise at last, but somehow it seemed hollow. Nestle still got pretty much exactly what it had wanted in the first place, which was a new source for bottled water. The town however, received substantial debt from their legal battle with the multinational company. I found myself thinking, what bizarre form of democracy reduces a municipality to pay a fee just to be a part of the decision making process for one of their communities most valuable life giving resources. I could just taste the suffering from every sip when I was given a bottled water.

Today this topic may seem trivial but in the near future rights for clean usable water (and possibly even air) are poised to become more dominant issues. Soon a decision will be made, with or without the public input, as to whether access to water is a basic human right or if water is purely a commodity to be traded and bought. Over a third of the world’s population has difficulty getting access to water. If you thought this may be true but certainly not in the USA, think again. In Detroit water was more or less taken hostage from the public. Who controls these springs, wells, and other water sources may soon be able to hold any community at ransom for whatever price they decide. And who knows how soon it will be until the price doesn’t matter and a water supply for 7 Billion people just isn’t there anymore.

Denmark’s Aarhus University, Vermont Law School and the CNA Corporation, a nonprofit research and analysis organization has found that the world will face “insurmountable” water crises in less than three decades, especially if it does not move away from water-intensive power production. Growing water scarcity “means that we’ll have to decide where we spend our water in the future. Do we want to spend it on keeping the power plants going or as drinking water? We don’t have enough water to do both,” Sovacool said in the release. In the US and most industrial countries energy production is the biggest source of water consumption, even bigger than agriculture, researchers said. In 2005, 41 percent of all freshwater consumed in the U.S. was for thermoelectric cooling, according to the study. Water tables across the globe are lowering, aquifers are drying out and yet water has been turned into a product and an expendable energy resource. Now add to this situation a steadily increasing population and a climate that continues to be altered by this rise and you have an insanely dire scenario. Places in the world, which already struggle to gain access to clean water, are experiencing this water crisis first hand. This is especially true for areas suffering from a host of other factors besides access to water. If we continue to ignore the dilemma in these regions just because we can still buy a Poland Spring from the store it is going to put us in a dangerous situation. The red flags are waving fierce and yet the overall problem is still not getting the attention it so desperately deserves. It seems most people have just accepted the fact that they need to buy bottled water and cannot simply use their own tap. It is easier, more transportable, and fairly cheap, however it continues to aggravate the underlying problem that the public is not being guaranteed safe clean drinking water.

Recently more and more businesses are working together with the goal of using water as a product and not as a necessary public resource. All of this has happened despite a collection of water protection organizations best efforts. This commodification of water will most likely culminate a disadvantage to the public, but it does not have to. We just have to keep our eye on the ball. Now lets be realistic, no one could possibly come out and tell companies, especially in a free market, that they cannot use or sell water. There will always be a place for water in businesses but this needs to be done smarter. We owe a great deal of our social and technological progress to the use of water and this does not look like it will be changing anytime soon, as mentioned before a great deal of energy production depends on water. Better technological advances can be used and funded to help keep our water clean and drinkable, as well as lessen our use overall. Legislation can also be used to protect water sources, instead of allowing for polluting loopholes. The fight over how water is used does not need to be the public versus corporations. These battles normally don’t play out well. For decades lobbyists have spent millions of dollars trying to degrade the Clean Water Act protecting Americas aquifers and springs and have been successful. The public just doesn’t have the resources to protect their own resources. Corporate culture needs to be reigned in so that businesses can work together with customers and communities to make sure water can be used for sale and still have clean public access. Such a precious resource cannot be squabbled over in such a way without resulting in a negative outcome.

Many communities have actually praised practices of some companies handling of water; they are not the all-evil entities some would have us believe. They are capable of brining in much needed commerce and jobs to areas in desperate need. Companies who give back to the public, not in the form of bribery but in the form of mutual understanding and cooperation, can still do business while not putting the community itself at risk of losing clean and fair access. Respect of this natural resource by all parties should be the goal. While it might seem like a daunting task and counter to the corporate norm it is not impossible. However, it will require a much wider public consensus, for as long as some areas are offering up springs to be polluted for profit, these companies will continue to migrate their exploitation. Without a concentrated plan good water may become more and more scarce overtime. The first step to solving a problem is acknowledging it; the next step is cooperated action.

Just the other day people from a water protection organization stopped by my door asking for donations. While it was refreshing and uplifting to know that such an organization was getting its people out canvassing and spreading the word, my first thought brought me back to Fryeburg. Apparently the public has to pay out of pocket to have a say in how water is treated and used in this country. The only problem is our pockets are not as deep as the people polluting our water. We have the technology and the organization, there are numerous non-profits fighting for water rights and against pollution yet the problem remains. The paper tyranny is strong in the new corporate culture. If we don’t heavily encourage new protecting legislation through grassroots organization, if we can’t respect our most precious resource, we will be playing a global game of finders keepers, losers die of water poisoning and dehydration.

To help and learn more check out:

Environment America

Food and Water Watch

Charity: Water


Columbia Water Center

Three Avocados




More Recently the dispute between Nestle and Fryeburg Water Co. has come to a head where the government will soon decide if the mega Multinational Company has more right than the local populace when it comes to water management.

Read about it;



The Foreign Prince


It was finally his. All of it belonged to him. The country, the throne under his arm, the chandelier, the massive windows, the long room it decorated with outstanding hearth, the table littered with coins, scales, and paper, and even the servant tables lining the walls, all of it. Yet for some reason it wasn’t enough. It may have been because he was still too young, there was so much more to conquer, and it felt like this was the end of the road. Now a Prince of twenty-eight years, he had already dined and feasted with aristocrats, foreign dignitaries, politicians, and members of royalty. This was thanks to his aunt, the Tsaritsa, himself being of Hesse and the House of Battenburg. He had schmoozed them all, being taller than most he was also easy on the eyes, which made things considerably less difficult, even despite the jealousies from other German and Russian royalty. He had stood face to face with some of the most important leaders of the time and yet it was not enough. It didn’t quench his thirst. Although he knew why it wasn’t sufficient, there was not much young Prince Alex could do. His dreams were on the verge of destruction. He didn’t have enough gold, charm, or men of arms to get what he needed now. Over the years his tact had diminished and he inadvertently acquired the enmity of those who had once held him in such high esteem.

He pondered over the thought of what to do next and slowly sipped the first of what he expected to be many drinks that night. Nothing seemed to come to mind, but perhaps there was something he could do to save himself, to save his country, no matter how they felt about him. Looking out the enormous paned windows he saw a beautiful glowing red and violet sky. It was drowning slowly above the misshapen rooftops of desperate little Sofia. He knew that was the direction to Vienna, to Prussia, France and England, to the illustrious halls and remarkable architecture. However, that dream seemed also to be setting like the sun, only this time never to return again, a dark existence awaited him. To his left he saw the darkened rooftops to a dirty town in a fiefdom of his old uncles Empire. A little further on and there was the remaining part of his country, severed in Treaty of Berlin seven years before.

He was at a loss for a course of action. He knew before accepting the throne the insane challenges that lay before him. Not only had the major powers divided the country and put him in charge of what was left but they had also left him with an extremely open and liberal constitution. At first they loved him for it, but soon the peasants and the prince learned their real place in the European theatre. His uncle had been assassinated four years ago and since then he had become less of a prince and more of a servant to Europe’s great empires. He missed his uncle, and even felt a spot of guilt for when he tried to expand his powers in the new constitution, which at hearing this had caused his uncle to weep. However, that stain of guilt might have just been regret. He had visited his uncle the Tsar in Saint Petersburg, the imperial capital of his uncle’s empire. Then he was somebody and a real player in the game. During the Bulgarian campaign against Ottomans they, uncle and nephew, had grown closer together, but that was eight years ago. It was this connection to his uncle that had gotten him the throne. Now all he could think about was how much simpler life was back then in the Russian army. On the battlefield and in war someone scheming your downfall was easily understood, manageable, and expected. In this new political and aristocratic life things were complicated, secrets ruled the day, and conspirers were everywhere. If his own uncle, the Tsar of the Russian Empire could be assassinated, why not himself? Could he be more clever than him? It didn’t seem possible. Alexander had thought about this everyday for four years. This was because his cousin, Alexander III, who ascended the throne after his uncle, was out to control Bulgaria through him or without him, and preferring the later.

220px-alexander_i_of_bulgaria_by_dimitar_karastoyanovIt was however, in many ways Alexander’s own fault. He had made many blunders and with his new enemies. Thinking of this he took yet another sip from his glass but found it empty. He turned and walked to a far corner of the room where a table with several bottles of alcohol stood. He pulled out the stopper and gingerly poured himself his second heavy glass. The servants had already snuck into the room and lit the torches, without him ever really noticing. The light outside had disappeared and darkness silently spread over the sky. It was summer and so the air outside was quite cool and relaxing. He marched in military fashion to the window and opened it to the outside and to Sofia. He gazed out over the houses and exhaled in desperation. Most of the streets were still muddy and difficult to travel through. He stared on with contempt, but it wasn’t for Sofia, nor the people, nor Bulgaria as a whole. He knew this place held such promise, there was so much potential for it. However, he also knew this could not be achieved as long as he was subjected to the rules and rituals of the rest of Europe. Were it not for the Treaty of Berlin his people would be united and content, maybe even happy. Unfortunately it was ripped in two and the more liberal politicians and radicals were doing everything they could to fix this and reunite East Rumelia. He could not simply fulfill their nationalist wishes, or they would all face the wrath of every party that had signed the treaty. He had grown tired of their squabbling and had even suspended the constitution and political parties. To his own dismay the power he had obtained came with a cost. The Russians had only allowed him to do this to strengthen their own influence in the country. Now instead of having to share power with the people he had given it straight to the two Russian generals, Sobolev and Kaulbars. This turned out to be much worse than sharing power with the people and after attempting to send them back to St.Petersburg he ultimately reinstated the constitution. He wouldn’t allow himself to be such a puppet. This allowed him to retain some respect from his people but cost him the blessing of mother Russia. So now he had a choice, spit in the face of the treaty and embrace his peoples wish or do nothing and allow his own people to rise against him and take his throne. Before he could take this thought any further there was a knocking on the door.

He turned towards the door and in walked a woman and one of his servants. Alexander recognized the woman as she had visited him before. She wore normal Bulgarian clothes but to him they seemed more like rags. Yet despite her clothing she was actually quite beautiful and this was certainly advantageous to her profession.

“Sir, she has arrived and has been waiting for you,” the servant said.

He looked at her and then to his glass. He thought it over for a second and came to his conclusion.

“Not tonight,” he said.

“Yes, sir,” he answered, bowed, and began to escort the woman out of the room but she stepped away from the servant and toward the prince.

“Please Prince Alexander, I need the money desperately, without it I don’t know what I will do. Please my Prince, please,” she begged. He glared at her with the same contempt he had for the liberals that were making his life impossible, but then realized she was just a whore and shouldn’t bare the whole punishment.

“Make sure she is paid and leave me in peace,” he ordered with a tone of annoyance.

“Yes sir.” He then took the girl forcefully by the arm and left the room very quickly, forgetting to shut the door on his way out.

Alexander poured himself another drink and sat down, gingerly sipping his glass. The empty room seemed to grow now that he was alone again. His own thoughts began to attack him.  The radicals and the Russians were staged left and right against him and there was no way through their ranks. Though they themselves were at odds they had found a common enemy in the now lonely Prince. He had given them their damn constitution back and they show their gratitude by conspiring with those who were responsible for its loss. He placed the cold bottom of his glass on his forehead, hoping it would relieve some pain, which it briefly did. He turned his aching head toward the window yet again. Faint flickers of light scattered the horizon, creating crooked and fading shadows of the houses and shops on the unkempt streets of Sofia. They were the lights of those wishing to see their country brought back together and all that it entailed. Some merely looked for better and healthier lives for their families and loved ones. Others sought to give Bulgaria meaning and pride, reinforcing a common identity and giving every citizen a voice against those that ruled. Alex knew that he was their enemy, a monarch not to admire and revere but to over throw. He had admitted to himself long ago how vastly different he was from his people, not only concerning language and home, but also in terms of values. He tried to crawl in his mind back to the notion that the people and himself both wanted the same thing, to make Bulgaria a great power. Yet it was all too painfully obvious that he was in the way of making this country great. He was an obstacle for these people trying to come together and make a commendable nation. These liberals would bring Bulgaria and East Rumelia together or die trying. Alexander had guessed already that Karavelov had already sat down, eaten, and had dessert with the Russians. Unification was being pushed all the way from St.Petersburg. The liberals didn’t understand the delicate waltz that was European politics, but Alexander and the Russians did very well. He needed more time, but nationalism was bubbling out of the country, and would soon flow over the border with or without his permission. He could either spit on the Berlin Treaty, angering its powerful signatories and bringing possible destruction or it would be his head on a Bulgarian stake, when he didn’t back their cause. Damn Karavelov, he thought. Why couldn’t he just be patient? Why did he have to join the Russians against him? How did it get to this point?

He then remembered when he first arrived, the flowers in the dirty streets; all of Bulgaria had come to greet their new leader. He could feel the energy behind them, he knew what they wanted, and he wanted it too, but now he was trapped. He remembered the banner that read, “Forward Prince, the People are with you!” He laughed out loud at the mere thought of such a distant memory partially spilling some drink on the wooden floors. Had that time really existed? A breeze rushed through the open window, and the door to the room nudged itself up against the wall. He quickly turned his head to the door, with an expression of wild panic. Nothing was there, just the door to the hallway swinging lightly back and forth. He had imagined in those few seconds that assassins had finally gotten to him, and the liberals and the Russians would have their victory. He then realized he could not live like this anymore, he had to make a choice. He stood up and wandered to one of the open window and closed it. He moved to another window across the room and behind the glass the shape of Sofia lingered on in the night. The city itself was a gesture that pushed him toward unification and into the contempt of Europe. It was too far from the Danube for trade, and it the roads to get their were badly maintained. The city too was fractured with crooked and narrow streets. However, Sofia lay in the east and in the heart of what would one day be the nation of Bulgaria. He knew in the end he should side with his people who were struggling. Struggling, just like him, it was, them against the world. It was then he realized whom he feared more; it was not the nation trying to put itself back together it was the Empires of Europe. It was the world he feared.

He heard the door opening a bit wider, hitting the wall two times, but the he had already closed the open window. Alexander slowly turned his gaze away from Sofia and towards the door. Two men stood in the open door frame. They were both dressed in what seemed to him as peasant clothing, dark pants, shirts that had probably been passed down, covered by even older vests. One of the men held a piece of paper and both stared at him with mixed apprehension. He could see that behind the look of contempt, there was a glimmer of hope.

“Who let you in here? Im not entertaining any guests tonight, I am sorry.” He told them. The men glanced at each other, then back to Alexander. He knew the words were empty, he could tell that these men were here to do something, possibly kill him, but he didn’t know what else to do than remain calm and act like nothing was wrong. Clearly something was wrong though, he knew it, they knew it, and the entire country knew it. They have been screaming for unification, and he has been doing nothing to help them. Now two of them stood in front of him. He did not have much personal contact with these people, yet they were his people. He had ignored their cries for too long and he knew it. No amount of charm would be able to get him out of this situation. He had failed as a leader and now the country would have their say. It was a strange feeling; the monarchy had been handed to him on a silver plate and he ruled this country for years with only his concerns and not theirs, now for the first time he would have to answer to them.

Moments like these are extremely rare. When those in positions of power meet those they control and they are finally forced to respect the seriousness and the responsibility of their seat. The room became a catalyst for change, ruler and ruled now stood face to face. The only question was where would this encounter take the Bulgarian nation?

The man with the paper stepped forward toward Alexander, who reached toward the table to place his glass down. The man stopped a few feet in front of him and handed the paper to him. It read, ‘Freedom or Death. The Secret Executive Committee.’ Alexander stared at the note in his hands. He was saved, they would not kill him, and they were giving him a choice.

“If you do not support our unification, you will be annihilated by the Committee.”

The man said this and turned towards the door. Both men then exited without closing the door. Alexander looked down at the note again and thought he would need to improve his security from now on. He did not think it was time to give the people what they yearned for; he did not think that his time in the great dinning halls of Europe was over. He would continue to bide his time until the decision was made for him by someone else. The Secret Executive Committee had given its message, yet it had not been received. Though they had looked right in the eyes of their sovereign spoke simply and powerfully, it was still not enough. The dance of politicians continued on, and the distance between subjects and sovereigns continued to grow. But for how much longer can this go on?



The Fire Rises

tumblr_m82ho1EMPu1rcglgbo1_1280There are few things that compare to the awesome pageantry of a good international convention. The dignitaries, the cameras, the hand holding, late night squabbling, the closed doors, the squaring off of police and protester; it is simply a marvelous occasion. It brings about an air of accomplishment and is usually a sign of good faith that we are on the right path. That is what I thought about the Vienna Convention … for the protection of the ozone layer. It and subsequent additions forming the Montreal Protocol have been regarded as one of the most effective when it comes to international environmental treaties. Any convention is a long drawn out process and with states vying for different interests it can be difficult to find compromise. However, with the Montreal Protocol most ozone depleting substances were controlled and eventually reduced. So we see that it is not impossible for us to come together to combat climate change and CO2 emissions. There is something that resembles hope here.

In December 2015 the Conference of Parties 21 U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change met in Paris with a goal to put the world’s nations in motion towards a reducing CO2 levels. The UNFCCC was signed in 1992 and has been signed by almost every country at the UN. While some may protest that the objective was to produce a fear mongering free-market destroying machine, this is hardly the case. No, actually it was to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. Protocols and amendments have been added to the convention and this shows potential progress, but will it be enough. The convention aims to keep the global average temperature well below 2 C (3.6 degrees in Freedom Units) and to limit the increase past 1.5 C, which would still be above pre-industrial levels. It also seeks to not conflict with global food production and attempts to ease financial cooperation to reduce greenhouse gasses.

Is this the turning point in controlling human interference with the world climate that many have been looking for? Is this the convention’s Montreal Protocol? Let us look to the agreement itself. It has added a few things that may become game changers. For instance, nationally determined contributions (NDCs), a worldwide voluntary collection basket. This may help get money to developing countries who need it most and the donations are of course made record. A Global Stocktake will then evaluate every 5 years what has been done and what still needs to be done.

The agreement itself uses a lot of interesting language. There are a lot of ‘strongly urges’ going around, like for the 100-billion-dollar collection target. It basically encourages Parties to compromise. This is not uncommon for international treaties. In the world of states not even international governance trumps a state’s sovereignty. It will be up to national governments to bring some haste for reduction. Until then it will be up to the non-Party stake holders, better known as people or citizens, who are also not forgotten in the text.

The treaty also includes things for Non-party stake holders as well. It was nice of them to mention us at least. Us being the human beings and poor citizens of Gotham that are not state actors or super heroes but may also have a stake in the environment. The treaty points out and recognizes the important role of providing incentives for emission target reduction, including domestic policies and carbon pricing as tools (137).

The inclusion of the identification of anthropogenic emissions could turn out to be a great addition. So long as they are identified they are left in the treaty but if the Party wants to leave it out then they just have to have an explanation as to why. So if one country tries to snake around a certain emission creating industry or company and continue to allow it to happen, it will at least be made note of.

Then there are the articles. Now this is some good stuff, right in article 2 they already want to hold the global temperature well below 2C above pre industrial levels and pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5C above pre industrial levels, recognizing that this would significantly reduce the risks and impacts of climate change. A very brief overview follows:

Article 3: Efforts to reduce temperature should be undertaken and communicated

Article 4: Aims to reach peak point and continue reduction, while acknowledging developing countries special circumstances

Article 5: Conserve and enhance reservoirs of greenhouse gases

Article 6: Deals with voluntary cooperation of their nationally defined contributions, mitigations of green house gases

Article 7: Adaptation capacity, it is good to be flexible

Article 8: Cooperation to avoid maximum damage, early warning systems, emergency preparedness

Article 9: Developed country shall provide financial resource

Article 10: Technology sharing framework

Article 11: Developing countries and small islands will need help (we should not let them lag behind especially when it comes to emission targets)

Article 12: Public participation and awareness (as appropriate)

Article 13: Transparency framework, super important

Article 14: Long term goals to be achieved, this is the refereed to Global Stocktake

Article 15: Compliance and implementation mechanism

Article 16: The conference of the parties and its role as meeting and communicating body

Article 17: Secretariat

Article 18: Subsidiary body for scientific and technological advice

Article 19: Other bodies must gain further approval

Article 20: Ropes in regional economic integrated organizations, interested parties may go to New York to sign

Article 21: This Agreement shall enter into force on the thirtieth day after the date on which at least 55 Parties to the Convention accounting in total for at least an estimated 55 percent of the total global greenhouse gas emissions have deposited their instruments of ratification, acceptance, approval or accession.

Article 22: The provisions of Article 15 of the Convention on the adoption of amendments to the Convention shall apply mutatis mutandis to this Agreement.

Article 23: Article 16 mutatis

Article 24: Article 14 mutatis

Article 25: Each party one vote, regional organizations

Article 26: Secretary general of UN shall be depositary of agreement

Article 27: No reservations to agreement

Article 28: Terms of leaving agreement

Article 29: Different languages are available, which is certainly helpful.

All in all, it is a pretty solid plan, the trick is following through. Criticism should be brought up though around its lack of focus on those suffering directly from climate change. The agreement acknowledges ‘that climate change is a common concern of humankind, Parties should, when taking action to address climate change, respect, promote and consider their respective obligations on human rights, the right to health, the rights of indigenous peoples’ local communities, migrants, children, persons with disabilities and people in vulnerable situations and the right to development, as well as gender equality, empowerment of women and intergenerational equity’. This is the only mention of migrants in the treaty, probably one of the most recognizable groups of non-party actors that are directly suffering from rising global temperature. There is still a lot of red-tape in the way of true progress. Some of the poorest nations that require climate aid are being refused the money they need from the funds because of accreditation issues. Unfortunately, this line of action may be the only way to combat global pollution. In fact, while the meetings were held 300 people were arrested in Paris for protesting and clashing with police in the streets. Sorry hippie eco-terrorists, states’ interests first, the fire hasn’t risen yet.

As for charging ahead, CNN’s John Sutter offers five important next steps. 1. Ratify the Agreement 2. End fossil fuel subsidies 3. Utilize Global Carbon Tax 4. Work Toward Political Consensus 5. Invest in Green Technologies. This is the kind of creative, optimistic, and apparently practical solutions that could be adopted. But some say it is not even close to enough.

James Hansen, an atmospheric scientist, had this to say about Paris. “It’s a fraud really, a fake,” he says, rubbing his head. “It’s just bullshit for them to say: ‘We’ll have a 2C warming target and then try to do a little better every five years.’ It’s just worthless words. There is no action, just promises. As long as fossil fuels appear to be the cheapest fuels out there, they will be continued to be burned.” In the Guardian article he argues it will be too little too late to stop the major effects of climate change. He further supposes that only massive action against carbon burning could help now.

Maybe Hansen is right. Maybe even if these countries could really band together, achieve net zero emissions and hold emitters responsible the worst will still arrive. Although looking forward to some beach front property being destroyed might be comforting, more damage will always be done to those that are thought of least when the negotiations are going on. We should not give up on them or the future so easily.

We live in an interesting time. We have, and maybe always have had, the tools to sustain a healthy environment. But there is something holding us back from achieving that. We are actively being pressured into inaction. How can we believe that fierce steps must be taken to tackle climate change when we have articles like this, touting how we have never lived in such peaceful and safe times, when we may be living in one of the most dangerous moments in human history?

G20 countries are spending $452 billion US a year subsidizing their fossil fuel industries and are undermining the world’s effort to combat climate change in the process, according to a new international report by an environmental advocacy group Oil Change International. Getting rid of fossil fuel subsidies, however scary for the economy, may be completely necessary to avoid global crisis. And here we have states destroying their own progress. Spain recently approved a Sun Tax. ¿De verdad? ¿Estas loco? Tax the sun?! Which basically ruins any advantage the solar renewable industry had over competing energy sources.

Apparently it also isn’t enough that they are ignoring efforts to stop burning fossil fuels, they are also attacking those who would change this mindset. In France before the summit 24 environmental activists were put under house arrest. And if house arrest isn’t scary enough for you, last year the number of green activist deaths per year rose to 116. Why is there a triple digit death counter for activists? The group Global Witness has pointed out that this number could even be higher. “In Honduras and across the world environmental defenders are being shot dead in broad daylight, kidnapped, threatened, or tried as terrorists for standing in the way of so-called development,” said Billy Kyte, a campaigner at Global Witness. “The true authors of these crimes – a powerful nexus of corporate and state interests – are escaping unpunished. Urgent action is needed to protect citizens and bring perpetrators to justice.”

Ah yes, the powerful nexus. The shadow businessmen, with grey suits, smooth cigarettes, and quaaludes. The Bruce Waynes of the world, running around in capes. However, it is you picture them they continue to insist that economic security comes before environmental security. This bold and cold assertion may be the biggest road block to a convention or agreement that works. It is also ironically contradictory to the Pentagon’s January report over global warming and potential risks it will cause as a ‘threat multiplier’. From terrorism to disease we will be facing a new world of fear in the near future. The Department of Defense is willing to admit it. The money junkies are all too ready to deny it. The politicians are ready to ignore it. So it looks like it is up to the people (again) to bring about the ideal change we need.

If you are reading this, you at least understand English. A perfectly adequate language to communicate ideas. And through language we acknowledge history. We can understand that humans are awesome machines capable of making the very planet they inhabit uninhabitable, from Easter Island to the Dust Bowl. And all people of all nations can cooperate and find solutions that work for everybody. Many countries, like Germany and other in the EU, are leading the way in green technology. Unfortunately, in the USA we have a House of Representatives barely willing to admit that global warming is a threat, not to mention possibly one of our generation’s greatest challenges. Fortunately, there is a bright side to globalization. NGOs and individuals are organizing and sharing information and strategies across borders on how to get better results and better domestic policy when it comes to climate change action.

To find a model for appropriate climate change action one should no longer look up to the shining capitol on the hill, but at the bottom of the hill. Closer to the water. Ask; what would Fiji do? Under its national climate action plan, Fiji pledged to generate 100% of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030. It also promised to cut overall emissions from its energy sector by 30% by 2030 compared to business-as-usual, conditional on it receiving climate finance from industrialized nations.

And if you think that high ground will save you remember that global warming is a threat to all ecosystems, but it is an even greater threat to colder climates in the Northern Hemisphere. If you still are not convinced you need to vote for a climate aware representative let us say for a laugh, that pollution, emissions, reliability on non-renewables, that all this does not in fact cause climate change. Let us pretend the kids will be alright. Any human being still shouldn’t have their water poisoned, their daily commute turned into a choking hazard, and their children’s future and their own wellbeing beholden to an economic model that can’t possibly sustain itself in any real sense of the word. We are still waiting for McGovern’s 1972 revolution and for Obama’s change, but only we can give ourselves that through democratic participation and institutional change. There is no reason the USA can’t make an amendment calling for the protection of earth and her shared and fragile ecosystems. As the earth continues to warm we must not give into the fear of the free hand of the do what-ever-the-hell-it-wants market. The fire is rising, but now is not the time for fear

The Bern Victims vs. The Super Dellies

DEM 2016 Debate

Bern Victims; supporters of Bernie Sanders who are accused of being unrealistic. It seems an unfair criticism, as if staunch Democrats had not said the same thing before about Obama. Sanders has kept things civil, yet Hilary is talking to his voting age supporters as if they are children and she is their mother goose.

The 2016 Presidential Race is well underway. A glance to the right and I am almost packing my bags to emigrate. A look to the left and it seems America may be able to find her center again.

The Democratic National Convention and their ilk are seeing yet another incursion from the far-left. Reminiscent of a Russian tragedy as the Napoleons and Hitlers just keep charging in, but they continue to prevail.  Of course, the Democrats already have their defense mechanisms ready for such a phenomena, like having their own voter base become too hopeful, revolutionary, or naïve. This is where we have to remember to re-learn ourselves about super delegates for the blue nomination. The Party is wary enough to fear itself, but not democratic enough to fear Fear itself.

To avoid another embarrassing defeat the DNC have learned to station their super delegates wisely. Just this month when Bernie Sanders won New Hampshire with 60% beating Hilary’s 39% we got a glimpse of where these super delegates are leaning. In the end candidates tied for delegates taken from the Granite state. Some see this as an unfair advantage, while others consider these delegates that operate outside the democratic influence to be a necessary tool for the cause. After only two states Clinton led Sanders by 350 delegates. Shaun King points out that; “since March 7th, 473 superdelegates have publicly proclaimed who they are voting for and 451 of them have chosen Clinton and just 22 of them have chosen Sanders. In other words, even though Sanders has won 42% of the states and 42% of the delegates from those states he’s only received 4.7% of the superdelegates.”

This has led to many Sanders supporters arguing for the super delegate rules to better reflect the popular vote. has called for some super delegates to wait until the end to cast their votes or to match the popular vote in a closer race. However, loud their progressive cries are they have yet to tear down the party establishments walls. Bernie has not become David of this story yet, but he may soon find his sling shot and take on this Clinton Goliath.

For the DNC super delegates answer the question of how to balance between regular open participation and establishment influence. Somehow they are there to add political insight while at the same time never directly changing the outcome for a nomination. But how could having more delegates earlier in the race not push other voters to think they stand a better chance at winning the whole thing? The main goal here seems to be to avoid a grass-roots candidate that might not fare well on the other side of the voter spectrum. This is where activist passion and heart lose out to cold academic theoretical politics. There will be no revolutions if they can help it. If they can avoid this whole topic the better. But already online petitions have gathered thousands of signatures asking democratically for democratic change in the Democratic Party. After talking about the party so much I can’t help but recall Orwell’s last lines in 1984.

“As he looks up in admiration at a portrait of Big Brother, Winston feels he has at least ended his “stubborn, self-willed exile” from the love of Big Brother – a love Winston happily returns.”

This is what I imagine being a hard-line stalwart Democrat is like. My life for the Party, when the party does not exist to benefit my life, but simply to continue on its rampage of institutional existence. I would hope the Democratic Party is not that far gone.

The Bernie bashers like to claim that he has only naïve millennial support. Even though polls continue to show that he outpaces Clinton against possible Republican rivals. Now I agree that losing to Nixon certainly garnered some response by the establishment but that was almost 50 years ago. The internet and other new media have changed the game when it comes to the campaign trail, as seen with Obama in 2008. These people are massing an online Bernie Army. They are now pestering super delegates directly! They are campaigning for like-minded progressive candidates in the House and the Senate. And I like the sound of that, directly deterring democratic delegates. There should be less steps between me and my representatives in a democracy. Every layer of bureaucracy added muddles the intention of the constituency. And though we understand the intent of the Founding Fathers to be wary of the emboldened majority and have institutional tools to protect the minority there needs to be more transparency.  The internet may be able to help fix that. Democracy online is here whether we like it or not. Reformers see it as a step towards better democracy but the old guard sees this as a negative. The youths today are the biggest users of technology and new social media. Bernie has an advantage here when you acknowledge that voters under 30 prefer him to Clinton by a substantial majority. Ages 30-44 also go for Bernie and yes the geezers are for Clinton. I don’t blame them, they don’t know any better. All they know is the Cold War. Us against them and Red vs Blue. It is not a healthy mindset to have in the 21st century market capitalist world, not by a long shot, not with what we know today.

The craziest is the part where super delegates must actually think that Sanders doesn’t stand a chance against Trump. The man is literally the antithesis of Sanders, yet many are worried that some Clinton supporters might be so bitter as to vote for the man with the tan. The whole idea of elect-ability is important but we should not compare Trump to Nixon, or Sanders to McGovern. If you are so bent on Democratic historical analysis go back a little further and listen to the man who was shot after winning California.

“A revolution is coming – a revolution which will be peaceful if we are wise enough; compassionate if we care enough; successful if we are fortunate enough – but a revolution which is coming whether we will it or not. We can affect its character; we cannot alter its inevitability.” RFK.

This inevitable revolution is the one that the Democratic Party has been fighting since the 1968 loss, flickering out but still burning if you will. Money in politics has violently dragged our democracy kicking and screaming across the room to the right side of the political spectrum. If you look at the rest of the world, in most parliaments our American democrats would  be sitting in the conservative wing. We are one of the very few countries on earth that even has a party that would deny climate change. Again we are one of the few developed nations still without affordable health care and higher education. As Sanders points out we are no longer number one in the world and we need to work to get that respect back by seriously overhauling our institutions and how we conduct ourselves internationally.

If you still think super delegates are necessary remember that in 1968 Humphrey won the nomination (and then lost) in the absence of a great Democrat. To understand the modern Democratic Party one need look no further than the Richard J. Donovan Correctional Facility.

The Union Survives To Fight Another Day

The Union Carries On to Fight Another Day      (Oct, 2014)

After all the hype, fuss, threats and promises Scotland finally has its answer to their 2014 question of independence. The result was a resounding No. Scottish Unionists came out on top with a count of 2,001,926 and 55.3% of the vote (Gaurdian, 2014).  The Yes Campaign was not too far behind though. They managed to gain 1,617,989 votes with an overall percentage of 44.7 (Guardian, 2014). The voter turnout was a striking 84.6%. It was truly a remarkable display of democratic participation especially when one considers that in the 2011 elections only 50.6% came out to vote (Denver, 2011). The Better Together campaign succeeded despite some wary tactics, including a belittling advert directed towards undecided women voters, which caused a bit of fury (Wilkinson, 2014). It seems that a sense of Britishness still clings to the majority of Scots. The Yes boys and girls now wallow in defeat with the rough feeling that somehow fear has won over -what was for them- common sense. Out of the 32 Council areas in Scotland only four saw a majority voting for independence. These were the councils of Dundee in the northeast, the city of Glasgow and two of its neighboring areas, West Dunbartonshire and North Lanarkshire. This does not come as a surprise. Glasgow is one of the most under-developed cities in the entirety of the UK and is the city that has felt the most disillusioned with Westminster’s conservative politics. One man in Glasgow was even arrested for trying to sell his vote on eBay, emphasizing the city’s condition and mentality towards politics in general (BBC, 2014). Out of these four independent leaning council areas none were able to muster a substantial lead and only narrowly gained a victory, whereas the No votes had a considerable lead in almost every other council. The top councils who came out most strongly against a Yes were the Scottish Borders, Dumfries and Galloway, which took 66.6% and 65.7% of their respective council vote to stay with the union. This makes sense, as they are the two councils that directly border England and possibly had the most to lose from independence. However, it was the far and away Orkney Islands that took the most hardened stance against a new country with 67.2% of their council vote. The results show that Better Together was successful in making the Union the best option for voters. So where did the Yes campaign lose the steam it had been gaining all the way up to the referendum?

Pre-referendum polls had been showing a surge in Yes voters towards the end of the campaign but in the end it failed to hold on to that momentum. While many of those pushing for independence fully believed that a better Scotland needed radical change it was the undecided voters that needed to be swayed to secure a victory. In the end most of those undecided chose the safest option and not the most radical. The SNP had many noble causes on their side, ranging from nuclear disarmament to cleaner energy, but they failed to focus the referendum around a clear and safe ideology. This allowed uncertainties and concerns over the economy to trump the risk of a new self-governed nation. Stephen Daisley points out in his own analysis that although a vision of an independent Scotland was made by the SNP, it was not a vision that could convince people that a severed country could provide security for their families –or wallets- (Daisley, 2014). Concerns for a stable currency and over fleeing businesses brought too much uncertainty and so most Scots went to the ballot saying “No Thanks”.

Those that did choose Yes and were pushing for momentous change are handling their defeat in various ways. Two separate petitions have gathered 150,000 signatures demanding for a recount, citing alleged evidence of vote fraud (PressTV, 2014). Alternative media has even helped start a new campaign for independence called ‘We are the 45%’ who claim that the fight is not over (Smith, 2014).  SNP boss and First Minister Alex Salmond has stated that he will be stepping down in November. He also made claims that the Scottish peopled had been tricked into voting No (Hui, 2014). Yet, while some Scots are playing the sore looser card, others are taking the defeat in stride. Tommy Sheridan, one of the most prominent independence activists, is already preparing for a 2020 independence referendum and is urging voters to continue to accept the SNP in next elections (HeraldScotland, 2014). Mr. Sheridan has made it clear that politics is no longer a politician’s game and though his socialist leanings make him a bitter ally to the SNP he still thinks they are the best chance for independence.

Although independents were defeated the debate alone has sparked a larger sense of political power through participation among the people, the relationship between those governed and those who govern is being changed throughout the whole kingdom. Citizens across the political spectrum of the UK and particularly Scotland have woken up and become more involved. This is something that every democracy should strive to do if they want to maintain a healthy and dynamic balance throughout the population. London allowed this referendum to take place and this certainly needs to be commemorated, but they should have predicted that even a No vote would stir the entire country to ask for change. When Westminster promised to devolve more powers in the case of No victory it caught the attention of some emerging decentralists in rest of the UK. More devolution is now starting to be sought after by Manchester, Yorkshire, and of course Wales (Sandle/Young, 2014). In the coming years it will be up to Westminster to show that they will not ignored those they represent, or as in Quebec we may see a return of the referendum and not just in Scotland. Although some see the cause of most problems to be the Union’s fault, the UK does provide a starting point and strong foundation to make real change possible (White, 2014). Whether that positive change will follow is now up to the MPs and if they can’t deliver the people will surely step in as they have done in Scotland.

Interestingly enough, now that Scotland remains in the UK the chances of Britain exiting the EU have now dropped significantly. The Labour Party without the loss Scotlands MPs now stands a good chance of winning the next general election and putting a stop to David Cameron’s conservative led Brexit vote. This could be good news for Europe. With Britain remaining in the EU it will provide an example of how to deal with –or how not to deal with- similar secessionist movements like Scotland that have been cropping up elsewhere on the continent.  Catalonia, Basque, Südtirol, Venice, Sardinia, and numerous other independence hot spots have all been closely watching how Britain and Scotland’s dance will play out.  Many are worried that this will all lead to a violent balkanization of the EU, but it need not play out that way. All these regions are merely asking for is to be heard, for better representation, and for more trustworthy institutions. Leopold Kohr advocated in his book The Break Down of Nations that it is smaller states that should be promoted in the world. He spoke of how in these small states the citizen has greater influence on institutions, that with regional autonomy economic problems are countered more easily, and that culture is allowed to flourish without the loss of wealth to state spectacles or military adventures. He wrote that his advocacy for smaller states and not bigger ones is “not to furnish another of those fantastic plans for eternal peace so peculiar to our time. It is to find a solution to our worst social evils, not a way to eliminate them” (Kohr, 1957). Still questions remain. Will Britain and the EU break down into secessionist pieces? Will Scotland hold yet another referendum for independence? Will the Catalans get their own chance to vote? The outcome of these dilemmas will all depend on how well the powers that be and the institutions that we have today can communicate with their populations, as well as how strongly they can commit to solving problems through compromise and greater citizen involvement in politics.



A People almost Forgotten (Ein Volk fast vergessen)

Unversöhnliche Grenzen

For centuries borders have both held Europe together and threatened to tear it apart. These borders have been based on geographical features, culture, language, economics, and politics. They have been altered, bled over, expanded, and collapsed. In more recent history, the move has been made to push towards a trade union for the continent to improve relations between countries and to possibly avoid future conflicts, like the World wars, to transpire in the region. However, this project has met significant challenges. Economic under sight and mismanagement brought the Euro currency to a disastrous low. The so called crisis has eventually led to a surge for mistrust in government. This has resulted in citizens moving toward decentralization and localization of power to better represent themselves, their own values, language, culture, and choices. These movements towards localization have sprung up across Europe, the crisis and lack of trust have caused old historical scars to open up, enflaming these movements again. Movements of decentralizations like these have always had their place in Europe throughout the 20th century. Ethnic and sectarian conflicts have emerged in the Balkans, the British (Wise) Isles, and the Iberian Peninsula. They have led to loss of life, loss of civil rights, and property damage. More recently in Catalonia and Scotland, for instance, both minority populations have held marches and protests for greater autonomy. One particular case of interethnic conflict has come to agreement and successful compromise with surprisingly low loss of life.

On the Southern side of the Alps in central Europe, lays the mountainous Dolomite region. Named after its consistent geographical feature and often referred to as the pale mountains. Its landscape is covered with deep valleys, rivers, and impressive mountains giving it a natural beauty. The people of this region have dotted the mountainsides with villages and farms for centuries. Although, historically known for its rural lifestyle that spans centuries, it has also been a center of commerce. The region is home to the Brenner Pass, the lowest of the passes through the Alps; it has been sought after since Roman times as a strategic trading post. The word comes from Prenner, the German word for someone who clears woodland, highlighting the rural historical roots of the region. The passage through the naturally made wall that is the Alps has made the area strategically important throughout the ages for kingdoms, empires, and nations. The oldest documents mentioning the province as Tyrol come from 1271. It went through the possession of a handful of ruling families but eventually landed in possession of the Habsburgs in 1363 (Rosenburger). It became part of the larger mountain region of Austrian Tyrol. It remained with the Habsburg Austrian Monarchy until its eventual loss after the First World War to Italy. The Germanic people that had inhabited it for centuries became minorities, foreigners, and second-class citizens overnight. The Tiroler that had been separated from Austria were cut off from families, friends, and support. Their new Italian government exploited their new position as a minority. This began the long struggle for self-determination, one of many in the 20th century Europe. This movement led to a respectable and significant reconciliation between the Italian and Germanic groups in conflict, especially when compared to the outcome of other national struggles. The Südtiroler movement is significant in its application of an ideal peace process that works for all sides of the issue, and could possibly be used as a model or example to help in other current and future multi-ethnic differences and settlement disputes. However, historical evidence must be examined to filter out what actions worked toward and were productive for favorable progress and which actions may have hindered the process. This requires an understanding of both side’s respective identities in a cultural, lingual, historical, economic, and political way. A sense of these dimensions will shed light on whether or not this model can be applied elsewhere and if it is a viable long-term solution for the problem.

Der Eintritt des Nationalismus

The Empires of Europe during the 1800s were experiencing a new phenomenon in the populations under their control. These Great European Powers had conquered, toiled, and taxed their citizens together in a delicate and sometimes tumultuous balance among each other for hundreds of years. This balance was upset when individuals began to organize themselves into more coherent groups that would form identities with new or stronger cultural values, political and economic expectations, and nationalistically defined goals. These groups have origin in several different dimensions of identity, such as geography, language, or politics. The American colonies proved this to be possible in their successful revolution and independence. In England a solid identity had also started to form in the 18th century, while in France a Monarchy had been removed, and eventually Austria-Hungary, too, would show its first signs of cracking.

The Austro-Hungarian Empire dominated central Europe, neighboring several other powers, including France to the west, Italy to the south, Prussia to the north, and Russia and the Ottomans to the east. In 1848 the Hungarians revolted, Ferdinand was forced to abdicate, further angering the Hungarians, and eventually Tsar Nicolas I came to aid of the Holy Alliance (Prussia, Austria, Russia) putting down the rebellion, although Austria would later have to award Hungary its autonomy in the 1867 Ausgleich. (Glenny, 40,55). In 1866 Austria lost Königgrätz to Prussia (Glenny, 68). This further undermined Austria’s dominant position as an empire. At the 1878 Berlin Congress the Ottoman Empire was being divvied up. The Ottoman Empire’s decay is noted by its own writer and bureaucrat Ziya Bey after visiting Europe, “I passed through the lands of the infidels, I saw cities and mansions; I wandered in the realm of Islam, I saw nothing but ruins” (Glenny, 100).  The Great Powers and newly liberated Ottoman subjects exploited the decline of the Anatolian centered empire, including Austria. Austria took the chance to annex Bosnia, which it was awarded at the Congress, and much to the disappointment of the Serbs (Glenny, 146). This created one of histories most memorable blowbacks, four centuries of millet style governing was replaced with a European power player status quo, and only war could follow. It is also important to note here that Italy and France had left the Congress empty handed, with Italy holding a grudge against the Austrians.

Austria was struggling to stay on its feet, but to prove it would not falter and was still a Great Power they focused all energy on Bosnia and Serbia (Glenny, 281). After Austria instilled an economic blockade on Serbia and the Serbs feared inevitable attack from Austria. The Black Hand was formed and on June 28th, 1914 a less than experienced unit was assembled to assassinate the Arch Duke Ferdinand on his visit to Sarajevo (304, Glenny). His death triggered the Great Powers into the war they had all been waiting for, while nationalism entered the Theater of Europe. The long held assumption was that the Balkans was the powder keg that led to the Great War, when actually the Balkans were merely the fuse, lined up by the powers themselves that ignited war. Austria was trying to prove it was still a great power, Germany wanted to pursue further its Weltpolitik, Italy sought after more imperial gain, and conservative Russia switched to join its old liberal enemies Great Britain and France, in fear of German expansion. As the war winded down, and Austria and the Central Powers had fallen apart, Italy pushed to extend its borders in Yugoslavia, Albania, Turkey, and, of course, Austria (Glenny, 365).

Die wahre Dolchstoßlegende

In April 1915, a secret treaty was formed between the Entente and Italy, where the Italians expressed their demands if they were to forsake the Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and Germany (Glenny, 332). These demands included the area of Südtirol as well as numerous other territorial gains in Yugoslavia, Turkey, and even colonial territories of Germany in Asia and Africa. With London promising Italy everything it wanted, the Italians enthusiastically switched sides. When the war ended there was little to no remorse for the defeated Central Powers. President Wilson’s famous Fourteen Points plan to divide Europe by national self-determination was mostly ignored by the victorious Entente, who had taken to dividing up their gains, rather than worry about minority or ethnic conflict. Point Nine of the plan specifically requested the readjustment of lines in Italy to harmonize along nationality. This was something the Italians were unwilling to accept. The Italians, like the Volksdeutsche and the Habsburgs, knew how strategic the area of Südtirol was. They maintain that although the Habsburgs may have controlled the region for most of its history, it was under the Kingdom of Italy for a brief period thanks to Napoleon, and that it has always had an Italian character to it (Toscano, 1). However, this Italianness found in Südtirol has always been an urban sort. When nationalism first started to grow, urban Italians were welcoming to new liberal ideas. This did not sit well with the rural Austrian peasantry or the Kaiser, leading to an exportation of half the Italian population between the years 1860 and 1913. This may not have been the decisive reason, but it certainly pushed Italy to go behind the Triple Alliance’s back in the hopes of acquiring the region (Toscano, 2). The Italians maintained that it was to regain the “70 percent” of Italians living there, but the main reason to take the territory was always one of pure strategic military necessity. The Brenner Pass and the highways around it are key to any invasion into Italy from the North (Toscano, 9). During the war, the Italians experienced how even a relatively small force could hold onto those Alps, as the Austrians had shown them. However, neither Vienna nor Rome could trust each other’s census data on the region. The Italians even forfeited a compromise by Austrians to make Südtirol a demilitarized zone, calming Italy’s strategic concerns. The Austrians issued a statement insisting that keeping Tirol together was of historical, ethnic, and economic importance. The statement also ended on a threatening note, adding that if annexation did occur, the Südtiroler have endured worse before and would endure worse to come to see Tirol united again. Italy and the Allies ignored these pleas and threats adding another minority to the mosaic of lost peoples in Europe. Rome promised a generous and liberal stance on this new minority (Toscano, 12). We know today that this was a tremendous lie. After the most brutal war humanity had ever experienced the first thought on Europe’s mind was to prepare for the next one instead of pursuing a path to peace.

Italy had successfully achieved its revenge on Austria, and pushed forward with its own extreme nationalistic agenda. This meant disaster for the Südtiroler. However, the tactics used in this new take on ethnic cleansing had been in development since before the Great War. Ettore Tolomei, an Italian language teacher turned Inspector General of Italian Schools Abroad, had founded La Nazione Italiana publication. In short its aim was to bring the reemergence of the ancient Roman Empire around the Mediterranean. When this publication had to be stopped due to financial reasons he started Archivo per l’Alto Adige. This was another journal promoting Italianness and more specifically for the Südtirol region, which he considered to be Alto Adige and property of Italy for time immemorial. He used the journal to put out his own version of ethnic demographics for the region and from 1914 on it was the sole source of information for Italians on regional problems (Steininger, 16). Tolomei began planning, in detail, the annexation of Südtirol, presupposing that the German speaking population would assimilate. He also translated the names of 10,000 villages, places, and roads into Italian, sometimes just adding an O to the German name or making a literal translation (Steininger, 17). All this was taken as fact from the Archivo, though it lacked scholarly-reliability, when it was really blatant Italian propaganda. This was due to the Archivo being distributed to certain libraries, giving it a false essence of scholarly work. After World War I and the occupation of Südtirol, Tolomei was assigned to put together measures for the Italianization of the region in 1923. This came in the form of his 32 provvedimenti per l’Alto Adige, which Der Tiroler newspaper aptly described as “measures for the eradication of German culture in Südtirol” (Steininger, 19). Just some of the measures included unifying Alto Adige and Trentino into a single province (giving the Italians majority power), closure of the Brenner, German immigration prevention, town and place name changes to Italian, changing German family names to Italian, removal of Germans from public services including police, shutting down the German press, and even banning the use of the name Südtirol (Steininger, 19,20). This intense policy of Italianization continued throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Tolomei announced early in the 1920s that Alto Adige would be incorporated into the province of Trent, robbing the Südtiroler of a majority and solidifying them as a minority in Italy (Toscano, 21).

Das Argument der Südtiroler Selbstbestimmung

Though new Italian nationalism was stronger and more aggressive, German nationalism was also present. Possibly even more present when faced with its annihilation in Südtirol. The Südtirolers have an indisputably more diverse culture than their southern neighbors. They have lived there for centuries; their farms have been passed down along with their language, cultural traditions, and politics. The difference in politics can be seen even more clearly in present day within the European Union. The fact that Tolomei had to sit down and create a list of ways to degrade a culture and a people only proves the point that the Volksdeutsche have been in the Südtirol region for long enough to consider it their home and to have the right to live there. If one were to follow Italy’s argument that the region has always been Italian, the first counter-argument would be that before the 1800s, there was no such thing as an Italian or a German, but that there were only Monarchies and their subjects. What you have after is whatever land these Empires happened to grab and hold onto until their eventual demise, and what culture continued to grow thereafter was what defined that nation. The second-counter argument would be that of the actual culture of the land. What, in fact, were people doing there historically and how does that match a modern description? This question can be looked at using the Iceman found in Südtirol. The Iceman, named Ötzi after the site where he was discovered, stands as a testament to the characteristically rural lifestyle of the region. His leather clothes remind one of traditional Lederhosen, his backpack similar that to a Tiroler backpack (Kraxe). Studies of Ötzi have shown him to possibly be pastoral, fitting again to the farming lifestyle of many Volksdeutsche in Südtirol. This late Neolithic man has more in common with traditional rural Volksdeutsche than with the modern urban Italian (Hudson, Journal of Occupational Science). With this in mind, one can be assured that although Tolomei fooled many about the Italianness of the land, it was historically more representative of the Volksdeutsche living there.

Fascista Alto Adige

In spite of this, the Italianization process of course continued, driven by the Fascist government. Tolomei’s program targeted every level of society in Südtirol. The German speaking Press was shut down in 1925. This included Der Landsmann, the Brixner Chronik, the Bozner Nachrichten, the Dolomiten, followed by the Volksbote,Volksblatt, and the Burggraefler a year later (Steininger, 25). October 1st, 1923 the Lex Gentile went into effect in all of Italy. For Südtirol this meant the dismantling of the German school system and 30,000 German-speaking students became subjected to Italianization (Steininger, 26). Canon Michael Gamper, previous editor of the Volksbote, took the lead to initiate clandestine German schooling in Südtirol, these became known as the catacomb schools. They became a way for students to continue their education with German instruction; though the quality of the education was certainly not the best, it was still in their mother tongue. As well as schools, most businesses and public services had become strictly Italian. Without proper Italian documentation, many Südtiroler lost their businesses, farms, and even homes. In 1927 the Italians showed just how far they were willing to go by banning all German gravestone inscriptions and forcing them to be in Italian. This was quickly played down a year later stating that, “The Italian Government will not lay even a finger on the past; our mission is the future” (Steininger, 33). The Italian governments confusingly contradictory statement did not give any ease to the German-speaking population’s suffering. Mussolini then began his “domestic colonization” or exploitation of hydroelectric power and agriculture (Steininger, 33).

The Industrial Zone in Bozen was also brought in to exploit resources, but also to alter demographics by bringing in Italian labor. 1936 to 1942 saw the amount of Italian industrial workers in the area rise from zero to 7,000 and reached 12,000 by 1947. The construction of the Industrial Zone managed to destroy 50,000 fruit trees shortly before their harvest, which further angered locals (Steininger, 43). This is not uncommon for any occupational force. The Industrial Zone was then given a “free ride” for companies to invest in an unfavorable geographic location by the government. Aluminum works, fiber board works, magnesium works, and steel works for auto parks all took advantage of the governments generosity and set up camp in Bozen. The area just, economically, does not make sense to industrialize, too much energy was needed to bring in materials and run these plants (Steininger, 44). This emphasizes the actual goal of Industrialization, which was to force a demographic change of the region by Italian authorities.

Mussolini also ordered the construction of the Fascist Victory Monument. “An arrogant demonstration of the Italianization of Südtirol” was the description by German historian Rudolf Lill (Steininger, 35). It was to be put where everyone could see it across the Talfer Bridge in Bozen, where construction of a memorial for Austrian Kaiserjäger troops had already started; this memorial was blown up and removed. The Victory monument was a sign of Italianization and victory over their enemies across the Alps. The monument is adorned with axe blades coming from the columns in a very Roman fashion, a sculpture of Vittoria Sagittaria firing an arrow toward the north, and the inscription in Latin: “Here are the borders of the fatherland. Put down our weapons. From here, we brought to the others language, laws, and arts” (Steininger, 37). The Italians did not stop at creating their own new monuments; to truly bring Italy into Südtirol would mean every monument celebrating Germanness had to go as well. The Walther von der Vogelweide statue in the Altstadt, the Laurin Fountain, and the Bozen Museum were all either relocated or removed (Steininger, 40). Yet despite all the action taken against the Südtiroler they still remained strong and as proud of their heritage as ever.

Die Optionen

The Südtiroler that had not been so easily turned into happy Italian citizens had found another place to turn, and that was National Socialism, but Nazi propaganda only convinced the Italians of the need to push their domestic colonization even harder. In 1934 the Südtiroler Heimatfront was changed to Völkischer Kampfring Südtirols. The change in name was inspired by the implementation of the Führer principle. In 1935 Südtiroler were eager to hear of the reunification of the Saarland with Germany. That night bonfires were lit in the mountains, Nazi symbols and anti-Italian mottos were flaunted, “heute die Saar – wir über Jahr” (Steininger, 47). In 1938 the Anschluß of Austria further heightened hopes that Südtirol would be welcomed in the new Reich. However, Hitler was more concerned with not upsetting his Fascist neighbor and Ally Mussolini. With irredentist behavior on the rise in Alto Adige, the Italians became wary of Hitler continuing his annexations south. Hitler assured Mussolini, evening going to Rome to do so, that Germany had no intention to take Südtirol. After incidents in Lasa where demonstrations against Italy took place and shots were fired, Innsbruck was held responsible and told to show restraint. Hitler’s second man, Hermann Göring, and founder of the Gestapo, was put in charge of solving the problem. In 1938 in a conversation with Italian consul in Berlin he was quoted saying “…the Germans in the Alto Adige, let us say 200,000, represent a mere nothing beside the 75 million in Germany. Those of them who do not wish to become loyal Italian citizens can leave the Alto Adige. We want no more trouble-makers” (Toscano, 38). This was the first mention of a population exchange from both sides, but regardless of the origin of the idea both Italy and Germany were ready to see it through to finish this Südtirol question once and for all.

`In 1939 10,000 politically undesirable Reich Germans (Austrians) were to be relocated in the coming year. After that the Volksdeutche and finally the land owning Austrians would be moved (Toscano, 44). The Südtiroler had two options, either leave the homeland to preserve customs and tradition, or to stay and betray their own Germanness by not following the Führer’s instructions. It turned out 86 percent would opt for relocation due to Nazi propaganda, fear of Italianization, and rumors of relocation to Sicily. The Option was in Berlin described as “an act of extraordinary political wisdom” (Steininger, 50). The Nazis referred to this act of ethnic cleansing as human resource relocation, a nice spin on a disastrous policy. The VKS at first stated that they would follow their Führer in every aspect save this one. A few days later their position changed to that of sacrificing ones homeland for ones country (Steininger, 56). For some Südtiroler giving up the homeland was in fact giving up tradition, custom, and country. Those who chose to stay were now subjugated to both Italianization and Nazi propaganda and aggression. The stayers, or traitors, received from their own German-speaking neighbors threats and violence on a daily basis. “Hotel Israel” was painted on an Inn where a Jewish fruit dealer had spent the night by Nazi sympathizers, manure was smeared on houses, and some barns were set on fire, their children were pelted with stones, and houses were smashed and violated (Steininger, 59). One memorable stayer, Friedl Volgger, describes how stayers became as bad as Jews in the eyes of the leaving German population (Steininger, 60). Almost 75,000 Südtiroler left their homeland, with only 20,000 eventually returning. The exchange of a population has shown it self to be more burden than solution not just in Alto Adige but historically as well. The nation states of the 20th century saw population exchange as a viable solution. In the 1920s Turkey and Greece had their Great Population exchange of 1.3 million Orthadox Greeks and 800,000 Muslims, which for them became more of a problem than an answer (Glenny, 392).

When Mussolini was overthrown during the Second World War, Germany occupied Südtirol and Northern Italy. Most believed that they would be the newest addition to the Reich, however this did not happen. Twenty months of German civil administration saw the return of German schools and language and basic rights, but no promise of escape from Italy. During those “terrible” twenty months the German-speaking citizens gave into their resentment of Italians, taking revenge for their treatment during the Italianization process (Toscano, 51). The absence of the Italian administration and the realization that Südtirol would remain Italian led a few to begin to organize for after the war. The Südtiroler Volkspartei was founded May 8, 1945 in Villa Malfér in Bozen and Erich Amonn was elected chairman. The group was a continuation of stayers resistance activity and the goal was re-unification with Austria. They proposed to fight for the right of self-determination for the German-speaking population and to bring peace to the land after twenty-five years of Italian Fascism and German National Socialism.

Opfer vom Kalten Krieg

During World War II the Allies Council of Foreign Ministers met in Moscow and discussed the after war strategy. Austria was to be considered the first victim of Nazi aggression but the question still remained on where to draw the line. The consensus was the 1919 line, placing the border at the Brenner Pass, but the question of Südtirol was kept open for possible change in the future (Steininger, 77). After the war the Council of Foreign Ministers decided on September 14, 1945 that the 1919 borderline would remain the same. This decision was made despite the Tiroler demonstrations in Innsbruck and despite an active Austrian Foreign Minister, Karl Gruber (Steininger, 80). Rome and Vienna protested and argued for their respective cause of maintaining the territory. However, securing a peaceful Europe for everybody for the Allies meant halting communist expansion and so keeping the centers of power happy became more important than small border conflicts. It was agreed upon that if Italy were to lose Südtirol it would upset the government and “open the way for the Communists” (Steininger, 91). In May 1946 the Council of Foreign Ministers in Paris closed the question once and for all, ignoring all ideas of self-determination for the Südtiroler and focusing on creating a safe and democratic capitalist Europe. In all of Tirol there were protests as well as clashes with police and French occupation forces. At this time Austria was still under allied control and the government was too weak to do anything about the Südtirol question. Under Allied persuasion Italy and Austria were to debate further a possible solution for what would certainly be a problem in the future. To keep both countries appeased was of vital importance to any anti-communist strategy. It was suggested that autonomy be given the province under Italian sovereignty with considerable rights of culture, access, and trade for the German-speaking population (Steininger, 101). On September 5th, 1946 Karl Gruber and Prime Minister Alcide De Gasperi signed the peace treaty and the Gruber-De Gasperi Agreement was made. The signing of this agreement is of significant importance because as it was part of the Allied Peace Treaty it made the Südtirol question an international affair and not just an internal Italian affair. It also included the right of protector to Austria concerning the matter.

Italy willingly signed the agreement and showed little problem with granting Austria protector status, and had no problem with the concept of autonomy for Alto Adige. This is likely because their willingness to sign the treaty was followed by their next move, which was to create an interconnected autonomous region of Trentino and Alto Adige. This in effect made the Südtiroler a minority within their own homeland, with the inclusion of the Trentino province there would be 500,000 Italians and only 200,000 Südtiroler (Steininger, 106). The Austrian government at the time was too weak to do anything about this twist in the agreement and decided instead to bide their efforts. Italy used the agreement to their own advantage, the government took its time in implementing the autonomy status and also used this time to suppress a good portion of the German-speaking population, they did this by taking advantage of those 150,000 who had opted for Germany during the war, who now had neither Italian nor German citizenship and could not vote, get a job, or marry (Steininger, 110). The Fascist elements of the Old Italian government had not yet departed.

Das Echo Mussolinis

One headline in 1948 from the Dolomiten expressed how the Südtiroler felt after the agreement had been made; it read, “Danger is Imminent” (Steininger, 112). It articulated the Fascist remnants continued goal of Italianization. What was once blatant behavior by the Italian government became more deceptive and less obvious. The school system was still more accommodating to Italians and the immigration of more Italians to the province was on the rise. The superior behavior of Italians continued much as it had during the 1920s. Graffiti offences for promoting Südtiroler self-determination garnered a year or more in prison.  In April 1955 the Italian government gave 2 billion Lire for public housing for the province, 1.8 billion of which went to the City of Bozen, where the majority of Italians resided and were moving to (Steininger, 114). Protests were held urging for a break with Trient, the Trentino capital, and full implementation of autonomy. The continuation of Italian hostility was followed by a change in the SVP leadership and the adoption of a less moderate stance. They pushed harder for autonomy to be put in place, but the Italian parliament ignored these calls. They then in 1959 issued implementation regulations for public housing construction that removed almost all authority over the area that was still in the hands of the SVP. The SVP then resigned from the regional government signaling a critical turning point in the situation (Steininger, 117).

Die Bombenjahre

In 1955, Austria finally got back its independence and assumed a more active role in the Südtirol problem. When in 1960, Prime Minister Fernando Tambroni suggested secret talks be held to solve the problem, Foreign Office secretary Bruno Kriesky was in favor of this option, but all Tiroler on both sides of the Brenner were opposed to the idea. Austria then went ahead with its plan to bring the question to the UN General Assembly. The UN unanimously passed resolution 1497/XV, which was meant to use the Paris Agreement as determinative and to implement autonomy that “…takes into consideration the ethnic character and the cultural and economic development of the Südtiroler” (Steininger, 121). Negotiations were re-opened and the UN respected Austria’s right as protector to be involved in the issue. However, the Italians were unwilling to compromise and negotiations broke after one day. Many Südtiroler decided this was the end of hope for receiving help from outside, and that it was time to take matters into their own hands.

Südtiroler, unhappy with the SVP leadership, formed the Befreiungsausschuss Südtirol (BAS). They began a strategic bombing campaign of the region, targeting Italian army bases, monuments, and important infrastructure such as bridges and electric pylons. They handed out fliers at demonstrations explaining the need to protect ones Germanness and not be treated like an Italian colony. The Südtiroler tolerance for being discriminated had run out. Germans and Austrians outside Südtirol began sending their monetary, political, and organizational support (Steininger, 123). Rolf Steininger makes a clear distinction in his book on Südtirol about the bombings, stating that during the years 1956-1969 two phases occurred. The first phase lasted until 1961 during which the bombings were carried out in a way that would avoid endangering human life. The second phase from 1961-1969 included deaths, injuries and property damage giving the BAS organization a terrorist branding (Steininger, 123).

One particular bombing marked the turn in the trend from property damaging freedom fighters to life-taking terrorists. It was the 11th of June, 1961, during the Sacred Heart of Jesus Festival, thirty-seven electrical pylons were bombed and taken down, nineteen of which were in Bozen (Steininger, 124). Herlinde Molling, an art historian, was one of the members in this attack and did an interview two years ago talking about her experience as a terrorist bomber and mother. On the appropriately named Feuernacht, she drove from her home in Tirol, down across the Brenner, and into Südtirol with the explosive material for the job in her trunk along with her two daughters in the back seat. Her car was stopped by the Carabinieri, she lightly flirted, pointed out her children, and was sent on her way. She drove a few more kilometers, attached the explosives and the detonator, and went back home. She talks about her involvement with the BAS, secret meetings in Innbrucker Bürgerhäusen, long debates, and dreams of Ein Tirol. She expresses her idea of the border problem with hope saying; “Wer sagt, dass Grenzen ewig Bestand haben müssen” (Fasser). Molling has a history of involvement with the cause, admitting to spray-painting “Freiheit für Südtirol” when she was younger. Her father was also a member of the earlier BAS organization. Her husband, also a member, explains how Wien had forgotten about them and not done enough, even since 1919, and that it was now their fate alone. However, Molling still has respect for socialist Foreign Minister Bruno Kreisky, who helped the Südtirol cause for autonomy status. When the deed had been done that night, many had celebrated, but not Molling. She explains how she was not boastful of her actions like the men in the organization. Pride was their goal, they wanted guns, and they wanted to fight. They even admitted old Nazis into their ranks, which might help explain the change in bombing tactics after the Feuernacht. Though for Molling the fight was never about pride, it was about her people, her culture, her homeland, für Molling die Tiroler sind eben anders (Fasser).

After the Feuernacht, Südtirol saw an increase in troop presence and 150 BAS men were arrested. The men arrested were tortured, tried, and two were murdered (Steininger, 125). From that point on Austrian and German citizens were becoming more and more involved in acts of terrorism. Neo-nazis, spy agencies, and pan-German groups treated the province like a new arena. However, the increase in radical action and brutality claimed, in the end, a total of only fourteen lives. (I use the word ‘only’ merely in comparison to other ethnic conflicts and terrorist movements. I think this is important to mention because as Molling suggested the Tiroler are certainly something else.) Until the second phase of the bombings and neo-Nazi involvement, the strategy had always been one of avoiding the endangering of human life. This is something that most freedom fighters in other countries do away with, thinking that only the same brutality they have been shown can resolve the problem. After another bombing in Porzecharte left four dead, Italian and Austrian relations were at a low point. Some Italians were maneuvering to take Austria out of the Südtirol question once and for all. In 1967, Italy used its veto in the European Economic Community to block Austrian attempts at further negotiations (Steininger, 128). Minister of the Interior, Mario Scelba, appointed a commission of eleven Italians and eight Südtirolers to examine the problem from all points of view (Steininger, 125). It was originally thought that this commission would take Austria out of the picture, but it soon grew to have a life of its own. Socialist chairman Paolo Rossi realized that Italian and Austria diplomacy had come to an end and that it now fell on the Commission of Nineteen to solve the issue. The SVP and Austrian call for provincial autonomy had long been forgotten; the Package that was actually being formed was undermining their regional autonomy (Steininger, 129).

Das Zweite Abkommen

The Package, originally meant to undermine the Volksdeutche, eventually led to a suitable agreement. This change in Italian policy is most attributed to a new, center-left government under Aldo Moro and Giuseppe Saragat. They were more understanding of minorities and opened the floor for discussion. There is an argument, though, between scholars and Bumser (BAS members active in the bombings) as to whether or not the bombings were the source of the Italian policy change, which I will return to later. The new Italian government met in secret talks with Bruno Kreisky but when an agreement was reached the Südtiroler backed away from the deal because it made the Package an internal affair of Italy, which was something they could not comply with. A few years later, in 1966, both foreign ministers, Lujo Toncic-Sorinj and Amintore Fanfani sat down and Italy proposed an all-inclusive offer (Steininger, 130). The SVP was now demanding the Package to be anchored internationally. Italy, again, stalling for time offered to anchor the accord politically. This compromise created a timetable for implementation and specified that Austria would agree to end the dispute after implementation of real autonomy, this became known as the operations calendar (Steininger, 131).  The SVP, in November 1969, voted on whether or not to accept the Package and the timetable, it won 583 votes to 492 (Steininger, 132). Chancellor Josef Klaus delivered his statement denouncing any terrorist activity and Italy returned the good favor by withdrawing its veto in the EEC. Both parliaments in Rome and Vienna accepted the agreement to implement and further the autonomy of Südtirol. One of the major differences was the removal of authority from the whole region to the two separate provinces, fixing the problem from 1948 and the failed Gruber- De Gasperi Agreement that made the Südtiroler a minority in their homeland (Steininger, 134). Now the province of Südtirol could better protect and preserve its cultural identity under its new autonomy status. Another part of the Package was helping the two communities live together; this prompted a policy of learning a second language earlier on in school.

The new autonomy Statute went into effect January 20th, 1972 and marked real progress for Südtirol, unlike the last promise for autonomy. Now there would be schools for each of the languages in the province, including the Ladin minority. There would also be positions in public jobs for all three ethnic groups under the Proporz Decree. The Patentino was the ticket into civil service and a certificate of bilingualism (Steininger, 137). The implementation process was long and there were times when things slowed down. In 1986 Rome held a debate over the Package, which the SVP declared “a grave violation of the Package, the autonomy statute, international commitments, and the agreements that had been arrived at between the representatives of the majority parties in the Südtiroler legislation” (Steininger, 139). Over the next months the number of rejected bills rose, and in 1987 it was admitted that Rome was doing everything it could to delay rather than work together to bring the solution to form (Steininger, 139). In 1991, pressure was put on Rome for these delay tactics when a rally was held on the Brenner demanding for Break with Rome-Province Now! (Steininger, 140). The new governor, Roland Riz, had experience as an MP in Rome, and started to act in order to speed up the process. Riz assured Rome of Austria’s declaration of an end to the dispute to the UN should all points be made in accordance with the 1969 agreement. On January 30th, 1992 the Package was declared fulfilled by the Italian government, however, the Treaty of Paris was not mentioned and therefore no link to international law (Steininger, 142). Austrian Ambassador, Emil Stafflmayr, was then a few months later handed an additional note from Italian Foreign Ministry, General Secretary Bruno Bottai, expressing that the broadest possible autonomy was implemented for the German-speaking minority as mandated (specifically) by the Treaty of Paris (Steininger, 143). Finally it was Austria’s time to go to the UN and mark the end of the Package implementation. On June 19th, 1992 Austrian and Italian ambassadors handed in the “Notification of the Termination of Conflict” to the UN. The UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, called the resolution on resolving a minority dispute between two states exemplary (Steininger, 144).

Dank dem Kampf – Dank dem Zufall

Though autonomy was implemented in 1992 for the province, the question remains, was the resolution a success and, if so, could it be used as model for other ethnic conflicts? The first real major act of defiance and, therefore, towards better treatment was the choice of some Südtrioler not to opt for Germany, as they had every right to stay in their homes and villages. Those who left made the entire minority seem like chess pieces willing and waiting to be moved from space to space on the board, when, in fact, they were actually individuals, with families, values, goals, and rights. When those rights are taken away, one must act and stand firm. To work against such discrimination is difficult, especially when the country that protected those rights is under occupation itself, as Austria was after World War II. The SVP made the right move in organizing, being active in finding a solution, and connecting with Austria, despite its occupation status. The acceptance and grounding of Austria’s right as protector of the minority in the Paris Agreement was crucial in that it later forced Italy into a position where they would need Austria to settle the dispute.

Tiroler governor and later Foreign Minister Karl Gruber took the next important step in appealing to the allies for “freedom to be restored in Südtirol, the country of Andreas Hofer after twenty-six years of cruel oppression that did not even spare the graveyards” (Steininger, 80). Although Cold War tension and fear ultimately stopped the Allies from giving Austria back Südtirol, calling for support from greater powers is another key step in achieving autonomy or way to self-determination. With Austria out of its cage in 1955, it began to be able to help more, taking the problem to the UN in 1960 despite pressure from the West not to do so (Steininger, 146). They received no support from the UN, but Britain a close trading partner of Austria, however, managed to help revert the situation from disaster. Things seemed to change when a new Italian government came in that was more understanding. This opened up the route for new negotiations. The Südtiroler denied any chance of Italy making the province an internal affair, a move that I think was very important for eventually solidifying any agreement that could have been made in international law. I believe the Italian delay tactics during implementation of the Package are a sign that had an internal solution been accepted the Package would have been significantly undermined. A crucial step the Tiroler and Südtiroler took was to make sure any negotiation for the implementation of autonomy was grounded firmly in international law, or it could have meant the Paris Agreements failure all over again. Then arose new negotiations, where this course threatened to return. Italy had gone against any treaty-like agreements in connection with the Package, and offered only to anchor the accord politically (Steininger, 131). This became the operations calendar and was a smart choice to accept this compromise or risk losing the whole agreement.

The actual package that came to be, after two decades of negotiation and implementation, gave the province the autonomous authority it struggled so long to achieve. This included the Proporz Decree, an attempt to bring bilingualism into the communities. This is an important step in any long-term peace solution. It also signaled the equal status of the German language in the province that had been lost since 1919. It set up a Provincial Supreme Court, and split the province into three districts giving Südtirol three senatorial seats. All powers that had once been under regional authority now came under the province. This included subsidized residential construction, hunting and fishing, parks for the protection of endangered plants and animals, streets, water supply, sewage system, public works, communication, transportation, public services, tourism, agriculture and forestry, hydraulic engineering, public welfare, and construction of schools (Steininger, 135).  All the taxes earned from these were to be kept in the province, allowing Südtirol to only pay 10% of taxes to Rome.

Other ethnic conflicts and minority disputes could be solved in this way. Allowing a certain region to have more localized authority is a healthy compromise when conflicts like this arise. It would be better, however, to avoid such conflicts and allow a minority that has lived there for considerable time to use their own language, but also give the opportunity for other languages to be learned and used as well. Devolution of powers allows for tensions to settle and for democracy to flourish without the need for escalating violence. Discrimination against a certain group by the centralized government will, in most cases, lead to backlash against them in one way or another. Italy was fortunate that the conflict had so few casualties. Looking at how other sectarian standoffs have spun out of control, as in Israel/Palestine or Northern Ireland, the showdown in the Dolomites is a model example for how to bring peace, compromise, and stability. Today, the province still has a majority of German-speakers, they live their lives, continue to practice their customs and traditions, and coexist with their ethnically different neighbors in this Austrian/Italian province.

Der Stolz des Hofer

(Before going into this side argument over the bombings, it should be noted that I might hold some bias. As an American, I am perhaps more partial to agree with the side of the self-determinists, those searching for justice and independence. Noting this, I am also ashamed the USA did not do more for the Südtiroler, especially during the Cold War. I felt especially inspired by the interview that Herlinde Molling offered the Zeit Online, and how she did not let pride get in the way of, what for her were, extremely important steps to get international recognition and was able to stop short of violence towards human life.)

There is some argument, as I mentioned earlier, about the new left-leaning government being the single reason for re-starting negotiations. The Bumser, or bombers of the BAS organization argue that their actions are what led the Südtirol problem to the world press and, therefore, why Italy finally gave into negotiations, out of fear from international response. The Bumser hold onto this claim with a strong sense of pride. Two notable scholars on the situation maintain another theory. The Südtiroler Political Scientist, Günther Pallaver, points out that the new, centre-left Aldo Moro government was the real reason for autonomy and not the bombing campaign. He states; “Autonomie nicht wegen, sondern trotz der Bomben der Sechziger” (Fasser). Rolf Steininger specifically writes in his book that; “the bombings were later said by their perpetrators and their sympathizers to have been what triggered a change in Italy’s Südtirol policy. This is certainly not the case. At the suggestion of Minister of the Interior Mario Scelba, the Italian government – not because of but despite the bombings – appointed a commission consisting of eleven Italians and eight Südtiroler..” (Steininger, 125). Both scholars suggest that the Commission of Nineteen would have been formed with or without the bombing campaign, supporting the theory that the Package would have been delivered despite these acts of terrorism. This is something that I do not think can be said with such certainty.

Steininger and Pallaver provide only the assumption that it was the center-left Italian government that made negotiations possible. I agree with the assumption that if a right-leaning government had come to be, they most likely would have used the bombings to justify harder suppression and stop negotiations. However, I would argue that if the first phase of the bombings had maintained and not escalated under a right-wing establishment, it could have still been able to bring about a solution. I say this because I do not think the first phase of these bombings can be so easily ignored. In any activist movement, there is a line that needs to be crossed for it to be considered an act of terror. I would draw that line at the same juncture the original BAS had chosen, that of endangering human life. The Feuernacht bombings only had one casualty, Italian street maintenance employee Giovanni Postal, and this was surely an accident because for an untold reason he was handling the explosives and surely not qualified to do this knowingly. The first phase of the bombings still maintained an activist character; it was still a protest movement. It is necessary for a movement, especially of this nature, to get the word out. The major powers of the time feared Red, not Rot-Weiss-Rot, the Südtiroler movement was almost entirely on its own and surely needed World media attention. The BAS movement meant to cause massive property damage, especially to the Industrial Zone that for decades increased the fear of losing their homes, was genuine activism. This movement deserves credit, massive damage to infrastructure alone is an ingeniously authentic way to make the movements’ voices heard and still respected. It is when they cross the line into inflicting real panic and pain to lives and families that they descend into terrorism. We can say that Aldo Moro and the lefties made the Package possible; we can say that the second phase of the bombings were indeed acts of terror, used to bomb self-determination into existence. However, we cannot say that the Initial Phase of the BAS liberation movement was irrelevant in bringing about attention to the need for change in the province.

Alte Gewohnheiten

The Province has not only come out of its dark past, but it has flourished since 1992. It holds the lowest crime rate in Italy and a remarkably low unemployment (Steininger, 148). Südtirol now produces ten percent of the apples in the EU, and two percent of the global market. It is today the wealthiest region in Italy. The secondary autonomy status guarantees that ninety percent of the tax revenue remains inside the regional budget, with only ten percent going to Rome and the national budget (Rosenburger). There are still marches held calling for re-unification by the Südtiroler Schützenbund, and some place signs are still vandalized between the two language groups, but now only a small minority participates in these activitites (Bell). Now, a part of the EU, the Brenner border seems irrelevant and one would think the economic and political union bringing Austria and Italy even closer together would have stopped separatist movements. This has not been the case, at least since the economic crisis. As in other parts of Europe, the crisis has brought up old problems. As the wealthiest region in Italy, many are afraid that Rome will seek to take more from the Province to help Italy’s debt problem, and infringe upon the coveted autonomy status. Ulli Mair of die Freiheitlichen stated; “Südtirol is not in charge of saving Italy and could not have done so even if it wanted to. Italy is a bad house keeper with lots of debts! We’re not paying for their debts with our money!” (RT). While the Italian unemployment average is around eleven percent, the Südtirol average is about three or four percent (Rosenburger). The fear of being dragged in to help Italy’s problems can be examined by looking at support for the Provinces political parties. SVP has long been the main party for the German-speaking population, but in the last decade Die Freiheitlichen and Süd-Tiroler Freiheit separatist parties have been gaining momentum. In 2003, Die Freiheitlichen had five percent of the vote, increasing to 14.3 percent in 2008, and is expected to gain 23.7 percent this year in the October elections. This means the SVP would lose its majority in parliament for the first time since 1945 (Rosenburger).

I had a chance to sit down and talk with people working for both the SVP and Die Freiheitlichen to get a better idea of what their goals and worries are in the coming years.

I talked with three members of the SVP, one in their offices, and two from an event introducing their new team of MPs for the coming election. It seems for the SVP leadership that there is no reason at all to be pushing for independence from Rome at the moment. I asked them all questions about signs and language disputes, the school system, and whether or not they felt threatened that Rome would take away their autonomy tax status. The SVP are trying to be realistic and practical in this matter. There is no need for more borders by becoming an independent state. In the case of future problems, they want to have Rome on their side and not Vienna. This was because of the Italians’ streak of luck in getting through things, completely ignoring the fact that Italy is being hit hard by this economic crisis and Austria on the other hand is managing quite well. For the SVP Independence could mean loss of power in the EU, a power that they have by being a part of Italy. One member also did not want the Austrian police there, but instead preferred the Carabinieri. “We have it so good here”, is something I heard repeated often. It was strange to have read about the party that for so long pushed and fought for self-determination and could now only commit to saying why a break with Rome was far from the realm of possibility. One member, when questioned about Rome taking more money to help with their debt problem, answered surprised; “Was? Noch mehr?” (What, even more?) and then played down the possibility of this ever happening.

I then stepped into the office of die Freiheitlichen Party and the tone was significantly different. The SVP members I talked to seemed to be going through the motions, when I met with Sigmar Stocker it was a completely different experience, the word Leidenschaft (passionate) comes to mind. He was more than happy to answer my questions and talk about the current situation, but perhaps that comes with the territory of running a campaign based on an independence movement. He expressed quite clearly that his party, too, was being realistic, but still thought that someday Südtirol could be its own country, similar to Switzerland. He explained that the power comes directly from the people and that any attempt at a free state would mean bringing the Italians, which have now come to also call the province home, with them. Comparisons can be drawn in this regard, again, to Switzerland, which can be seen as a trilingual country, having French, Italian, and German speakers. Stocker explained how the youth on both sides are seeing the advantages of being bilingual, opening job opportunities from the South of Italy all the way to Berlin. However, he expressed that unlike the Italianization policy, learning another language cannot be forced and that it is something you must want to learn, through life and through jobs. He also underlined the importance of receiving schooling in one’s mother tongue. On the question of Rome and its financial problems, Stocker explained that there is a huge difference in Italian and Südtiroler politics. One is chaotic and has led to many problems, where the other has focused on order and stability and remains the wealthiest province in Italy. The difference in the political culture brings new meaning to the phrase, Südtirol ist nicht Italien. Die Freiheitlichen also give out leaflets alluding to the idea that Europe is pregnant, expecting five new states in Flanders, Catalonia, Scotland, Venetia, and Südtirol. They are also handing out a small packet (in several languages including English) explaining the history of the province, arguments for a free state, and even a constitution for it. The constitution provides for mutual respect and high involvement of the three language groups in the province.

Recently, Südtirol has indicated it is willing to buy its freedom. SVP Economics Minister, Thomas Widmann, is quoted saying “Full independence from Italy is not possible, because new states are unprecedented these days in modern Europe (In accord with SVP perspective). We can stay a part of Italy, but we want full financial freedom. We’re ready to pay a solidarity tax of 3 per cent (15 billion euros). We’ll pay for foreign policy, fiscal and euro policy. Otherwise, we’ll do the rest on our own. We build our roads in several months, but before it happens we wait for permission from Rome for years!” (RT). While the SVP continues its path towards autonomy, working slowly with Rome, Stocker and die Freiheitlichen offer another opinion: “Verteidigen ist kein Lebensmotto”.

Anleitung zur Autonomie

Whether or not Südtirol will gain its financial autonomy or its independence is still years away, but the example the province has made for Europe and the world stands strong. The fact that democracy exists and that these debates can be held is a testament to the fact that the conflict has been resolved. If I were to simplify the model that could be exported (I also heard one Bozen resident describe the autonomy status as being an export product), I would state it as this:

  1. Act and stand firm on a certain position (those who opted to stay).
  2. Organize, as the SVP did.
  3. Get outside support, preferably major powers such as other countries.
  4. Attempt to ground agreement in international law and get the international community to be aware of the situation.
  5. Negotiate and be able to compromise (operations calendar).

These steps can be followed to attain modest autonomous authority, with intent to implement local democracy.

As an interethnic conflict the situation followed many similar paths under a fascist or blatantly discriminate government. The Italians were negligent to the Südtirolers’ needs and in fact methodic in their application against them. Yet, somehow Südtirol has not only come out of its dark fascist past, but prospered as well. Although every conflict is unique the steps taken toward a solution in the Dolomites, this Südtiroler model, could be used in reference to finding a peaceful agreement elsewhere. Even the Dalai Lama has visited the province, possibly in hopes of finding a unique answer for his own home. It may be possible that in the future we see several autonomous regions come to flourish under this same fashion, as the over centralized democracies of the western world continue to collapse.

Works Cited

Bell, Bethany. “South Tyrol’s Identity Crisis: Italian, German, Austrian…?” BBC. N.p., 8 Dec. 2012. Web. 14 July 2013

Fasser, Manuel. “Bomben Im Kofferraum.” Zeit Online. N.p., 16 June 2011. Web. 17 Aug. 2013.

Glenny, Misha. The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers, 1804-2011. New York: Penguin, 2012. Print.

Hudson, Mark J., PhD, Mami Aoyama, PhDOTR, Mark Connery Diab, MA, and Hiroshi Aoyama, PhDOTR. “The South Tyrol as Occupationscape: Occupation, Landscape, and Ethnicity in a European Border Zone.” Journal of Occupational Science 18.1 (2011): 21-35. Journal of Occupational Science. Routledge, 32 Mar. 2011. Web. 26 Aug. 2013.

RT (no author mentioned) “Italian Province Offering 15 Billion for Financial Sovereignty.” RT. N.p., 2 Apr. 2012. Web. 5 Sept. 2013.

Rosenburger, Malte P. “Self-determination in South Tyrol- The Red Eagle Spreads Its Wings.” Fair Observer. N.p., 20 Dec. 2012.            Web. 18 June 2013.

Steininger, Rolf. South Tyrol: A Minority Conflict of the Twentieth Century. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2003. Print.

Toscano, Mario. Alto Adige, South Tyrol: Italy’s Frontier with the         German World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1975. Print.